Iran Unveils New SWF

Ashby Monk

I reported here last month that Iran was considering establishing a new SWF, which would be focused on domestic development,  to replace their old SWF, which was a contingency fund. Yesterday, the government unveiled its plans. According to the Oil Minister Massoud Mirkazemi yesterday:

“It is necessary to invest in the country’s oil and gas development projects, particularly in joint fields with the neighboring states…The National Energy Fund, with the help of the resources of four local banks and the Central Bank, has been established to help finance major parts of the oil industry’s activities…Several rounds of talks were held in this regard and it was approved by the president…”

As this suggests, the new fund is really only focused on developing the resource industry, which is a bit different from their original plan a month ago. Still, Iran’s resource industry does need help. The country is the fifth largest exporter of crude oil, but it has the second largest proven oil and gas reserves. What gives?

Due to geopolitical tensions surrounding its nuclear ambitions, Iran has not been able to attract the foreign investments needed for expansion and modernization. As a way to side-step the problem, the government is apparently creating a new SWF that will have an explicit mandate to invest in the domestic energy sector.

It’s an interesting ploy, but the new SWF will, in my view, create some serious problems for the domestic economy. Specifically, Iran has a serious inflation problem; in 2008 it was well above 20 percent.  In order to contain this, Iran needs macroeconomic tightening; the establishment of a domestic oriented SWF does not fall into the category of “tightening”.

In fact, the whole point of setting up commodity based SWFs is to smooth resource revenues, avoid domestic inflationary pressure, and prevent “Dutch disease”. This is done by investing assets, for the most part, internationally. By taking the oil revenues and then explicitly directing them into domestic industries, Iran may aggravate their economic woes.

CIC Reveals US Investment Portfolio

Ashby Monk

Apparently, the CIC just filed their first 13-F disclosure with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. It’s a remarkable development, as it offers some insights into both the improving standards of the CIC’s internal governance and also offers a glimpse into the SWF’s “secretive” international portfolio. Normally, I’d have a lot to say about this, but it seems Rachel Ziemba beat me to it. Here are some highlights from her extensive analysis:

“The move is significant both from a financial disclosure perspective, showing as it does the CIC’s continued commitment to disclose information about its portfolio in line with other institutional investors (13-F’s are required of investment managers managing over US$100 million in assets, and report their U.S. long positions, including options and shares), but also because it allows a glimpse into a part of the Chinese government’s foreign asset portfolio.”

“Beyond, three large stakes in Teck Resources (US$3.4 billion at the end of 2009), Morgan Stanley (US$1.7 billion) and Blackrock (US$0.7 billion), the exposures to individual stocks are relatively small.”

“Finally, from a governance perspective, this illustrates that the CIC continues to be at the forefront of disclosing its holdings meeting legal obligations. A cursory search of the SEC database suggests that most Middle Eastern funds do not yet seem to make such filings, which are perhaps made by their external managers.”

“This underscores the importance the CIC and China’s political leaders seem to have put on complying in their own way with the Santiago principles, the voluntary code of practice for sovereign wealth funds. Doing so, should ease concerns about the investment management approach allowing regulators to focus on those investments that might pose national security or competition concerns.”

See the whole article here.

Weekend Reading

Ashby Monk

There is a new IMF Working Paper out by Aaron Brown, Michael Papaioannou, and Iva Petrova entitled, “Macrofinancial Linkages of the Strategic Asset Allocation of Commodity-Based Sovereign Wealth Funds.” The paper analyses the links between the investment strategies of a commodity-based SWF and the macroeconomic framework of the owner country. Check it out.

Updates

Ashby Monk

I’ve updated the “Healthy Competition” page today; removing a couple of websites that are no longer active and putting two new ones up. Check it out.

Also, I’ve updated the “about” page. I hadn’t touched it in a year, but some things have changed.

Finally, I was interested to see that the Email Subscriptions (on the right side-bar of the website) have been quite popular. If there are any issues / problems with the way the posts arrive in your inbox, let me know. I’ll try to sort it out. Thus far, I think they look pretty good, actually.

SWF: A Sign of Stability

Ashby Monk

After my (long) post yesterday on the International Finance Corporation and the Sovereign Funds Initiative, I was interested to see today that the IFC has announced plans to invest upwards of $2 billion in sub-Saharan Africa this fiscal year. However, what I found most interesting was Lars Thunell’s — who is the CEO of the IFC – opinion that political risk is becoming less of an issue for investors in Africa, noting that countries such as Angola and Rwanda could see 7 percent growth this year:

“If you look at the number of conflicts, it’s come down dramatically in the past 10-15 years, which is one of the reasons for the stability. We also have a new generation of leaders coming in, some of them are very very good…But you still have natural resources, you have corruption, nationalisation. There will still be political risk, you can’t shy away from that.”

It’s interesting that he singled out Angola as a country that the IFC is now interested in investing in. As the Economist recently noted, “After four decades of strife, Angola was a basket case.” But, Thunell is right, things have changed dramatically for the better. With almost a decade of peace, Angola’s economy has exploded thanks to its generous resource endowment. In fact, the country is now China’s biggest supplier of oil, ahead of  Saudi Arabia and Iran. Nonetheless, corruption is still rampant and this new wealth hasn’t flowed through to average citizens. So, some structural reforms are still required.

However, Angola has started to make some of these necessary reforms, in particular to better manage their resource wealth and avoid the types of corruption that eventually leads to capital outflows. As noted in previous posts, this has included the creation of a new SWF. Inspired by Norway’s SWF, Angola has set out to instill “good governance” in the management of its resource endowment. According to a recent IMF article, Angola’s SWF  represents an important structural reform to set up an…

“…institutional framework that de-links the fiscal stance from volatile short-term oil revenues and to avoid future boom-bust cycles.”

Given how vulnerable the Angolan economy was to resource price volatility–the economy was one of the world’s fastest growing in 2006 and 2007 before collapsing with the fall of oil prices in 2008–the SWF will be an important tool in smoothing out this volatility to facilitate long-term planning. This stability will in turn attract outside capital into the country.

Apparently, having a SWF is a signal that your country is stable enough to invest in.

Can SWFs Improve African Governance?

Ashby Monk

I just came across a provocative paper by Patrick J. Keenan and Christiana Ochoa entitled, “The Human Rights Potential of Sovereign Wealth Funds.” The paper is, in large part, a critique of World Bank policy. Specifically, it focuses on Zoellick’s plan to funnel 1 percent of global SWF assets into Africa through the International Finance Corporation and the Sovereign Funds Initiative.

In my view, the Sovereign Funds Initiative has merit. For starters, it will seek to generate 15 percent net internal rate of return, which means that profit seeking SWFs will be very interested (especially since African investments offer portfolio investors important diversification, as returns are typically uncorrelated with global returns). In fact, average internal rate of return on IFC’s investments over the last 20 years has exceeded 20 percent, so the above may be a conservative estimate. Moreover, the over-arching goal of the Initiative is to connect long-term commercial capital from state-owned investors with the substantial investment needs of private companies in developing countries. This is something I can get behind.

Still, Keenan and Ochoa have some concerns:

“Zoellick’s proposal and the nascent Sovereign Funds Initiative have the potential to provide real benefits to poor people in Africa if structured appropriately, but must first resolve an important and difficult problem: additional wealth can reduce welfare…African states have received influxes of wealth many times before, but this wealth has not produced meaningful economic development or improved the lives of ordinary people.”

In short, these authors worry that “unconditional” investments—like those made by Chinese entities in Africa—will destroy local welfare even if it results in some wealth creation. So, they want the Bank to set some conditions on investments made by the IFC.

I am sympathetic to these authors’ position: there is no point investing in an environment that has poor governance. The money will simply be wasted. But I have trouble understanding how the IFC Asset Management Company, which will be the steward for the Sovereign Fund Initiative, is all that different from what these authors are proposing? You simply can’t make a 20% CAGR by investing in poorly governed companies.

Nonetheless, the authors of the paper are calling for a venture capital type arrangement in which the funds are invested strategically, which is a way of saying that the investor takes direct stakes in specific companies and then engages with the companies to improve corporate governance (and profitability). The investment professionals will seek out firms and enterprises that have good governance—or are willing to make some changes to achieve good governance—so as to ensure that the fund generates wealth and welfare. In this sense, the fund will reward the firms that show promise and avoid those that don’t.

So long as the “conditions” don’t become politicized (and remain focused on creating an environment ripe for investment), I tend to agree with the above (who wouldn’t?). I used to be a consultant for a large US pension fund that wanted to expand its investments into emerging markets. In order to help the pension understand certain countries’ suitability for investment, I personally traveled to Asia and Africa to evaluate local governance (corporate and government) standards.  I saw how important receiving investment from this pension fund was to these countries; they desperately wanted to create an investment climate that met this pension fund’s internal requirements (i.e. “conditions”). It was almost a matter of pride. What I found most interesting was to watch the governance ratings of these countries improve year-over-year, as they “shaped up” so as to tap into the pension’s capital.

So, when investors set these types of governance standards and conditions, they do, in my anecdotal experience, have an effect (both on firms and governments). After all, these investors are creating a powerful incentive for change. That said, I still don’t really see how the IFC Asset Management Company is altogether different from what the authors are proposing. I can’t imagine that any commercially driven investor would kick off an African investment program (or any investment program) without some sort of internal policy dictating the “conditions” for investment, be it governance, industry, performance, or anything else. This is especially true for an investor that has had such a positive track record of making returns in developing countries…

Anyway, the paper can be downloaded here.

The Biggest SWF in the World

Ashby Monk

Over a lunch meeting in Boston about a month ago, Rachel Ziemba and I discussed the implications of a resurgent China Investment Corporation.  At the time, there were reports (the first of which was here), that the government was ready to reward the fund with a capital injection of up to $200 billion.

Rachel and I did some back of the envelope calculations and came to the conclusion that, with a $200 billion increase in assets, the CIC would be close to topping both Norway’s GPF-G and Abu Dhabi’s ADIA in terms of total assets under management. Indeed, the latter SWFs were, after the financial crisis, sitting in the $400 to $500 billion range, according to Ziemba (and she would know).

Remarkably, a report out today (…er, a rumour out today…) suggests that the CIC is now going to receive a capital reload of $250 billion. If true, the CIC will have $550 billion under management after only three years. This is huge!

Now, as Rachel pointed out to me, we do need a small caveat here; the above figure includes the CIC’s domestic assets, which are tied up in Chinese banks. She’d prefer to focus on the fund’s international assets only, which are around $100 billion right now. However, since lots of other people count the domestic assets and the CIC itself counts its domestic assets in its annual report, let’s also count those assets (just to keep things interesting).

So, in sum, if this capital injection happens, the CIC will be the biggest SWF in the world.

How did this happen? Read all about it here.

Domestic Jockeying For Legitimacy Driving SWF Behavior

Ashby Monk

Larry Catá Backer has another interesting essay up on his blog. He takes up the idea of whether or not SWFs should be viewed as “extensions of the state,” which is a position held by Daniel Drezner. In the view of Backer, the Drezner approach includes an unrealistic assumption:

“…that the state is a unitary actor in which all of its ministers and departments work together for a singular purpose. But of course, even a short reflection tends to suggest the error of this assumption.”

Backer argues that the operations of SWFs are, in some cases, driven by internal contests for control and power among actors and institutions within the government apparatus. As such, SWFs are not extensions of the state, they are competitors within the state apparatus!

In justifying his claim, Backer offers up two case studies (China and Brazil). On the China side of things, he says:

“…in the aggregate, the flow and direction of investments may be as pointed to acquiring advantage over internal rivals as it is focused on acquiring dominance in foreign private markets in those sectors deemed important by the state.”

This is a more nuanced way to think about SWFs’ behavior. For some SWFs, operations are driven by a variety of factors, which (as the above suggests) includes domestic political considerations in addition to its commercial and state motives.

I’m not all that surprised by this, as many SWFs are still in the process of building their domestic and international legitimacy. As we know from institutional theory, there are lots of different types of “institutional work” needed to ensure the long-term survival of an organization. Domestic jockeying is all part of this, in my view.

Still, I think Drezner’s original point that SWFs are extensions of their sponsoring governments remains, in general,  true. After all, governments set SWFs up to invest their assets in accordance with their interests. So, I still don’t see how these funds can be anything but extensions of the government, even if Backer has illustrated another set of non-commercial considerations that may be driving SWF operations. For certain funds embedded in a large governments, as in China, this is a very important nuance to highlight.

Backer thus offers an important level of detail on our growing ‘map’ of SWFs, pointing out where generalizations are inappropriate and where appreciation to local details is necessary. In this sense, Backer would make a fantastic economic geographer; sign him up!

Russia’s Wealth: Weapon of Economic Destruction?

Ashby Monk

Bloomberg has an astounding article out today that, if true, suggests that Russia was plotting “economic disruptions” against the US in 2008. According to the article, which I have to admit is a bit confusing, former Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson discovered a plot by the Russian government to convince the Chinese to sell US agency debt en masse to force a major US government bailout. The plot was discovered by Paulson during his trip to the 2008 Olympics:

“Russia urged China to dump its Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac bonds in 2008 in a bid to force a bailout of the largest U.S. mortgage-finance companies…The Russians made a ‘top-level approach’ to the Chinese ‘that together they might sell big chunks of their GSE holdings to force the U.S. to use its emergency authorities to prop up these companies’…”

The Chinese rejected the idea, and the Russians are, obviously, denying that any of this occurred. Still, Paulson’s report is pretty amazing. If true, it would appear that Russia was plotting economic warfare against the US during the summer of 2008; I don’t really know what else to call it. Their intention was to use their sovereign wealth to purposely weaken and damage the US economy. The fact that all this apparently occurred around the same time that Russia was engaged in a traditional war with Georgia, a US ally, lends some credibility to the idea.

This revelation–while unconfirmed–will not comfort those in the West that fear SWFs; it doesn’t help anybody if these funds are seen to be potential weapons of economic destruction…

Game Theory: SWFs and Cleantech

Ashby Monk

If you watched the US State of the Union Address last night, you no doubt remarked on the President’s interest in clean energy technology (cleantech). As I see it, the Obama Administration is interested in this developing market for three reasons: 1) It offers a way to create skilled jobs in the USA; 2) It fits with his environmental agenda; and 3) It is a way to achieve energy independence. Indeed, according to the White House:

“The President’s vision includes investments in important technologies to diversify our energy sources and reduce our dependence on foreign oil…”

Given that the Recovery Act allocated $80 billion to creating ‘clean energy jobs’, the US is quite obviously serious about this endeavor. I wonder what the commodity rich countries—those pesky sellers of foreign oil—think about this; how should they react to this ongoing push in America to stop buying their primary export? I think this topic could be a great subject for a game theory paper.

One option, which I highlighted a few months back, is for these resource rich countries to invest in clean tech themselves. As I said in a previous post:

“…I think cleantech would be a great investment for commodity based SWFs. Since sponsors of such funds typically rely on resources that will lose-out if the cleantech revolution succeeds, these investments would offer a very nice hedge over a long-term time horizon (~30 years). Indeed, getting in on the ground floor of cleantech would attenuate any loss of revenues associated with a technological advance that reduces our dependence on hydrocarbons.”

As such, it would be a great way to diversify the country’s long-term revenue stream. Interestingly, according to a Reuters article this morning, there are other reasons for SWFs to be interested:

“Since two-thirds of their wealth comes from oil and gas interests, the funds set up by nations from Norway to the Middle East and China would be burnishing their image by helping finance clean energy projects… Moving into more socially responsible areas is a way to diversify portfolios into alternative assets that can deliver returns uncorrelated to such traditional classes as stocks and bonds…”

Still, I can also think of some good reasons for these funds NOT to get involved as well. For example, if we are living in a capital starved world (which we have been), I can see how commodity SWFs would NOT want to provide their capital to a firm that would then work to end the world’s reliance on their country’s primary export! In fact, it may be that the cleantech firm will go out of business without the SWF’s investment. Of course, this only holds true if there are no other investors that would step in to take the SWF’s place, but it is something to consider.

In addition, SWFs are not in the business of giving out subsidies; they have a mandate to make a profit. So, for this industry to attract SWF investments, they need to show that they can generate returns. Ironically, in the short term, it may be state subsidies and regulations that help this industry turn a profit!

So there is a lot to consider. And since my brain hurts thinking about it, I leave this to the game theoreticians and their backward inductions…

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This website is a project of Professor Gordon L. Clark and Dr. Ashby Monk of the School of Geography and the Environment at the University of Oxford. Their research on sovereign wealth funds is funded by the Leverhulme Trust.

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